Nor, Yingling continued, had the generals understood the war they were fighting or been candid about it with the American people. After going into Iraq with too few troops and no coherent plan for postwar stabilization, Americas general officer corps did not accurately portray the intensity of the insurgency to the American public. For more than three years, they had told the American public that they were making progress when they were not. But it was too much to expect the generals to suddenly wake up and start thinking differently, he added, because they were products of a system. That system, he said, does little to reward creativity and moral courage. Given that, he wrote, it is unreasonable to expect that an officer who spends 25 years conforming to institutional expectations will emerge as an innovator in his late forties. To change the nature of American generals, Yingling called on the Army to use 360-degree reviews of officers and on the Congress to hold commanders accountable for failure: A general who presides over a massive human rights scandal or a substantial deterioration in security ought to be retired at a lower rank than one who serves with distinction. A general who fails to provide Congress with an accurate and candid assessment รองเท้าแฟชั่นขายส่งสําเพ็ง of strategic probabilities ought to suffer the same penalty. As matters stand now, a private who loses a rifle suffers far greater consequences than a general who loses a war. (Toms italics) Perhaps most provocative and most painful of all for the post-Vietnam generation of generalswas Yinglings charge that the generals of 2006 were repeating the mistakes of Vietnam, having failed to prepare their forces for the war they fought or to provide Congress and the American people with an accurate assessment of the Iraq war. One of Yinglings closest friends, another Army lieutenant colonel, John Nagl, who had combat experience and a Ph.D. from Oxford, advised him to publish the essay anonymously.
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